Remarks on Twelve Years of Democracy

By Ajaya Kumar Khati Chhetri

Democracy in Nepal, after its restoration in 1990 A.D., became synonymous with an independent era, a hope of a better nation. However, the hope of a better nation within a rule of democratic government was embittered as the nation experienced a hollowed democracy that lacked the assemblies of democracy—transparency and accountability. The failure of elected representatives of people from political parties to govern, with the consent of the people or with democratic values, presents a scenario in which they either distanced themselves from the interest of the common people or linked themselves to their interests. The then parliamentary system Nepal experienced under mal administration, strikes, and corruption, has defamed democracy.

The democracy in Nepal was only for leaders and ministers who emptied the meaning of democracy. It means a democracy that serves only the interest of the representatives rather than the common people who elect them. The definition of people’s rule is nothing more than a system for the class of drones and flatterers. For Arundhati Roy, such democracy is the “. . . representative democracy—too much representation, too little democracy.”  In our experience too, unemployment, devitalization of national industries, commission-based developmental programs, corruption, bribery, unaccountability, and lack of transparency were some of the frustrating practices of political leaders who governed in the name of democracy.

         Corruption which rocketed at its ultimate point either in majority governments or in coalition- governments surprisingly was not a matter of concern for common people. They did not show their frustration even when these political leaders returned to ask for their ballot in elections. These common people always understood that all their leaders were the cleanest role models in politics. They either did not believe or never understood that their corruption was pulling society back. Unfortunately some educated people also misinterpreted as if the infamous scandals like the Dhamija episode, Chase Air issue, China South West Airlines deal, agreement with Lauda Air, human smuggling by ministers and parliamentarians, etc. had never been in Nepal. The system run again and again by the same representatives, despite their involvement in commission, corruption, and bribery was a series of tragic episodes in our democratic practice. It does not mean the political leaders deserved but it was because the people were not provided with the due option.

The system that we have been practicing since 1990 A.D. is a pseudo-democracy that posits only the electoral process as an icon of democracy. D.B. Gurung writes in his book Nepal Tomorrow: Voices and Visions, “Democracy is flexible and allows for changes-perpetually with the demands of time. Alas, the dire irony is that our so-called democratic leaders made the whole act of functioning democracy messy.” (xxvii).  Election or representation is not only a parameter to determine democracy because democracy cannot be achieved without justice and equality that goes beyond the election and representation. So, democracy at the cost of justice and equality is not democracy but a serious domination of democratic assemblies.  The questions on democracy emerge mostly when the democratic values are emptied. Arundhati Roy, in her book Listening to Grass Hoppers, asks several questions on such a hollowness of democracy: “What happens once democracy has been used off? When it has been hollowed out and emptied of meaning? What happens when each of its institutions has metastasized into something dangerous” (x)? Indeed, this situation debases the foundation of democracy that marks the arrival of dictatorship. Plato was well aware of this situation as he saw a threat to democracy, lawlessness at the overvaluation of freedom in democracy. In this regard, Simon Blackburn reinterprets Plato’s prediction of the arrival of demagogue at the demolition of democratic values and norms in his book Plato’s Republic: A Biography.

This happens because the class of ‘drones’ includes vigorous, criminal natures. These form factions and begin to dominate the democratic assemblies. They silence dissent and pay off the have-nots with whatever they can steal from those who offend. Dissent and lawsuits break out, heralding the arrival of a demagogue, a self-styled ‘champion of the people.’ But once such a champion has tasted blood, the road to dictatorship is inevitable and steep. One crime leads to more, practice makes perfect, and the way opens for the Robespierres and Stalins to become our most familiar embodiments of evil and power. (138)   

Thus, the fiasco of politicians, whose time was limited either to form or to dissolve governments to serve their interests, led the nation to a long series of political unrest that was followed by Maoist insurgency.